August 1, 2008 By David Chibo
Part A: Cultural and Athletic Continuity
Introduction
The Epic of Gilgamesh, written more than 4,000 years ago, is an
ancient Mesopotamian masterpiece and the world’s first truly humanistic work of
literature. Its enduring theme includes gods and strange characters depicted in
events that reflect our still current ideals of duty, love and friendship.
However the primary theme that sets it apart from other works of literature is the
main character’s quest for immortality.
While
most people will have heard or read a translation of the ancient epic they will
be unaware that there are also a total of five less well-known Sumerian epical
poems relating to Gilgamesh (or Bilgames in Sumerian) that inspired the
standard version of the Epic of Gilgamesh.
The
recent publication of one of these poems, called The Death of Bilgames, happens to reveal previously unknown startling
similarities between an ancient Mesopotamian athletic festival and a western
cultural icon that had been traced back to ancient
The
term Mesopotamia is the standard name of the Middle East (Near East), the
majority of which geographically encompasses modern day
Cultural Continuity
According
to Walter Burket, it was during the derogatively labelled “orientalizing
period,” when, as well as Eastern skills and images the Semitic art of writing
was transmitted to the Greeks and made the recording of Greek literature
possible for the first time.
[1]
Walter
Burket even uses Greek geometric ceramics to narrow down the rough date when
the art of writing was first introduced, “…not a single scribbling has so far
been discovered that looks like a Greek letter before, say, 770, while in the
decades from 750 to about 700 there are now dozens and dozens of documents.”
[2]
In addition to the 15 Semitic [Aramaic] letter names adopted by the Greeks
there is also a marked presence of numerous Semitic loan words in Greek.
[3]
While
being taught literacy and borrowing extensively from the Aramaic alphabet the
Greeks were also inevitably immersed in the Mesopotamian gods, heroes, epics,
myths, history and rituals. It is
possible that during the course of transmission many of these concepts were
adopted and Hellenised for their new audience.
Heroes & Gods
Two
of ancient
This
esoteric relationship between both heroes is reflected in Gilgamesh’s valiant deeds
which subsequently paralleled those of Ninurta. Thus the battle of Gilgamesh
with the monster Humbaba is described in terms similar to Ninurta’s battle with
the monster Anzu. After his battle with Anzu, Ninurta hears the divine secret
in the same way that it is disclosed to Gilgamesh by Utnapishtim as a reward
for his quest for life. Consequently Gilgamesh’s return (by boat) from his
encounter with Utnapishtim parallels Ninurta’s return from his victorious
battle with the monster Asag.
[4]
A
closer examination of the connection between Ninurta and Gilgamesh will help
clarify their relationship. According to the Epic the parents of the semi-divine
Gilgamesh were Lugalbanda and Ninsuna. This is in contrast to the Babylonian
god lists which equate Gilgamesh’s parents, Lugalbanda and Ninsun with Ninurta
and Gula, respectively.
[5]
Thus although no ancient Mesopotamian source explicitly makes the connection
between them, the implication that the god Ninurta was Gilgamesh’s divine father
follows closely in the tradition of Mesopotamian royal ideology.
The
effect these mythical heroes had on Greek culture is profound. The Greek hero
Hercules, the son of Zeus, was also a mighty man and demigod; the main theme of
his story closely resembles the Epic of
Gilgamesh. The massive club of Hercules, which in Greek and Roman art is
the most distinctive attribute of the Hero, corresponds to the club of the
Mesopotamian god Nergal, who was equated with Ninurta as god of crushing
physical power.
[6]
However,
even more striking are the similarities between Ninurta and Hercules. Ninurta
is a vigorous champion, the first-born son of the chief god Enlil; indeed an
Akkadian text calls him aplu dannu ša Enlil, ‘the strong son of Enlil’,
paralleling the formula used of Heracles (Hercules), ‘the doughty son of Zeus’.
[7]
Ninurta’s
title Nabu ša lismē, ‘Nabu of races,’ mentioned above, may also
have influenced the Greek god Hermes. Hermes was the son of Zeus and the
messenger of the gods and had a similar title, Enag Ōnios. He
directed the souls of the dead to the underworld at the time of death and was
said to have special powers over the dreams of mortals and gods alike. According
to Andrew George besides being the judge and ruler of the Netherworld Gilgamesh
was also the ferryman of the River Hubur and played an important part in the
removal of shades to the secure confines of the infernal regions.
[8]
The Myths
Apart
from such similarities in epithet and genealogy, the Sumerian myth of the
eleven trophies of the god Ninurta is almost entirely paralleled in the Twelve
Labors of Heracles (Hercules) story.
[9]
In
a series of Sumerian texts, starting with the Cylinders of Gudea in the 22nd
century and continuing with the narrative poems Lugal-e and An-gim,
there are references to a series of monsters, each one different, which Ninurta
has killed or captured in separate battles and brought back to his city as
trophies.
[10]
In Lugal-e, an epic account of Ninurta's battle against the Azag (cf. p.
301), the god's mace Shar-ur ('Smasher of Thousands') recites to him the
catalogue of his Slain Warriors:
The Kulianna, the Basilisk, the Gypsum,
The 'Strong Copper', the warrior 'Six-headed Buck',
Magilum, the lord 'Heaven's Hobble',
The Bison, king Date-palm,
The Thunderbird, and the 'Seven-headed Serpent'
You verily slew, (o) Ninurta in the highland.
[11]
Most
of the creatures killed by Ninurta are recognisable with the objects of
Hercules’ Labors.
[12]
The seven-headed serpent is the most unmistakable. There is also a terrible
lion, corresponding to the Nemean Lion; a 'buck', which some take as a stag,
others as a ram, and which might be matched up with the Cerynean Hind; the
storm-bird Anzu, which could at a pinch be put beside the Stymphalian Birds; a
crab(?) that is trampled underfoot in a pool, recalling the crab that assists
the Hydra against Heracles; and a 'bison', pictured as a bull-man, which is
slain 'in the middle of the sea'
[13]
and might be compared with the Cretan Bull. (Was this once a Minotaur?) The
captured bulls and cows that Ninurta adds to his dead trophies in An-gim and brings back to
Even
without the Eleven Trophies of Ninurta stories, the absence of lions in ancient Greece is a strong indicator of the
influence of ancient Mesopotamian mythology on the origin of Hercules and his
first Labor, the killing of the Nemean Lion.
The
Sumerian Ninurta mythology depicts the hero emerging victorious from a
primordial battle over chaos a subject elaborately detailed by the Sumerian
hymn Lugal-e. Variants of this motif are
repeated throughout other Mesopotamian myths especially the Babylonian Epic of
Creation.
Other
similarities between Gilgamesh and Hercules abound. After killing the lion,
Hercules wears its skin. According to Martin West, this action “may have a
precedent in Gilgamesh, who is described in the Epic as roaming the world after
Enkidu’s death clad in a mašak KAL-bim (lion skin) instead of his
normal clothes.”
[15]
In
another one of Hercules’ Labors, in order to cross the ocean he avails himself
of the Sun’s vessel. This is very reminiscent of Gilgamesh who crossed the sea
at the world’s end that no man had ever crossed before, except the Sun-god Šamaš in a special boat.
[16]
Gilgamesh
seeks eternal life and is given the Plant
of Immortality, a theme also
echoed in Hercules’ adventures. As Martin West explains, “The Hesperides’
apples that grow on a special tree at the ends of the earth, guarded by a
serpent, have always been seen as the fruit of immortality.”
[17]
To
sum up, various characteristics of three Mesopotamian gods and heroes, Ninurta,
Nergal and Gilgamesh were passed down to the Greeks who incorporated them into
their Greek demigod Hercules. Other characteristics of Ninurta, Nabu and
Gilgamesh appear to also have been incorporated into the Greek gods Hermes and
Apollo. A summary of the ancient Mesopotamian gods and their Greek equivalents
shall now be presented in order to demonstrate the extent of the Mesopotamian
influence on the latter.
Mesopotamian
gods
|
Characteristics
|
Greek gods
|
Characteristics
|
Ninurta
|
Son
of Enlil (Celestial King)
Mighty
Hero and Warrior
11
Feats and Trophies Annual foot-race
|
Hercules
|
Son
of Zeus (Celestial King) Mighty Hero and Warrior
12
Labors
Olympic
foot-race (stade)
|
Nergal
|
God
of Physical Power
Attribute:
Club
|
Strong
Hero
Primary
Attribute: Club
|
|
Gilgamesh
|
Mighty
Hero
Judge
of the Netherworld
Dresses
in Lion Skin
|
Mighty
Hero
Descends
to the Netherworld
Dresses
in Lion Skin
|
|
Ninurta
|
As
planet: Mercury
Attribute:
Bow and arrow
Slayer
of Tiamat[the female dragon from the Enuma Elish]
|
Apollo
|
Attribute:
Bow and arrow
Slayer
of the Python (the she dragon of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo)
|
Hermes
|
As
planet: Mercury
|
||
Nabu
|
Swift
Runner
|
Swift
Runner/Messenger
|
|
Gilgamesh
|
Ferryman
of the River Hubur
|
Directed
souls to Hades via a boat
|
Table 1:
Comparison of the Mesopotamian and Greek gods’ characteristics.
The Foot-race
The
heroic deeds of Ninurta were narrated in many myths, including the Babylonian
Epic of Creation, Enuma Elish.
[18]
To commemorate these myths, the ancient Mesopotamians appear to have initiated
athletic events that re-enacted the actions of their heroes. Those of Ninurta
were commemorated in
Far
from being an isolated and local phenomenon, this pan-Mesopotamian race was
enacted in all religious centres of the Empire.
The race which they go ro[und] in front
of Bel and in all the cult cities in Kislev [is that of Ni]nurta.
[When Aššur] s[ent Ninurta to vanquish]
Anzu, Qingu and Asakku, [Nergal announced before Aššur]: “Anzu, Qingu and
Asakku are vanquished.”
[19]
By
virtue of Ninurta’s equation with Nabu and the planet Mercury in Assyria, this
annual foot-race was called lismu ša Nabu,
the ‘Race of Nabu,’ and the god himself received the title Nabu ša lismē, ‘Nabu of
races’,
[20]
to
which we referred to above.
According
to Simo Parpola, “The timing of the festival, commemorating the defeat of Anzu
at the winter solstice, indicates that this monster was understood to symbolize
forces of darkness, and the myth could thus be interpreted in terms of the
(seasonal) victory of light over darkness.”
[21]
Mesopotamian
kings, who followed in the footsteps of Ninurta, also emulated his role as a
runner par excellence. In his self-laudatory hymns, the ancient Sumerian
King Šulgi describes himself as an accomplished athletic runner in the context
of what appears to be a pan-Mesopotamian athletic marathon. The king traverses
an astounding distance of a few hundred kilometres in a return journey between
the ancient Sumerian cities of
I, the king, however, did not fear, nor
was I terrified. I rushed forth like a fierce lion. I galloped like an ass in
the desert. With my heart full of joy, I ran (?) onward. Trotting like a solitary
wild ass, I traversed a distance of fifteen double-hours by the time Utu was to
set his face toward his house; {my sag̃-ursag̃ priests looked
at me with admiration.} {(1 ms. has instead:) …… numerous
(?) ……; I prayed in the …… of Enlil and Ninlil.} I celebrated the ešeš festival in both Nibru [
His
description of his athletic prowess continues in another Šulgi hymn.
Like that of a stallion, my strength is
unwavering during the running-race; I come first in the race, and my knees do
not get tired.
[23]
In
a separate hymn Šulgi sees himself as the peer and brother of Gilgamesh,
implying his divine descent from Ninurta:
Šulgi, the steadfast shepherd of
his brother-friend, the lord Bilgames,
invoking him in his warrior-hood.
[24]
Jacob
Klein points to another large hymnal cuneiform fragment that describes in detail,
how the mother of Gilgamesh Ninsun, with the approval of the god An, adopted
Šulgi as her son, and subsequently elevated him to the status of a divine
being.
[25]
Šulgi has here effectively taken the place of Enkidu, a man equal to the
semi-divine King Gilgamesh.
Meanwhile
the divine lineage of another Sumerian king, Ur-Nammu, is also implied in a
hymn of Ur-Nammu.
I am the one made by the hand of Nanna,
I am the brother of Bilgames the Great,
I am [the child] born of Ninsun, I am the
seed of lordship.
[26]
Ur-Nammu,
just like Šulgi, alludes to his divine lineage and identifies himself as the
brother and peer of Gilgamesh.
Mesopotamian
royal ideology closely followed in the footsteps of heroes, such as Ninurta and
Gilgamesh, and appears to have been a way of bestowing the glory of these gods
and heroes upon the kings that followed them.
Mesopotamian
Athletics
Ancient
Mesopotamian athletic events are also mentioned in a variant of the Akitu festival
held at Mari, in Syria, in which athletic events such as a foot-race,
weight-carrying, wrestling and acrobatics amongst other events are performed in
honor of the goddess Ištar. The festival may very well have been commemorating
the feats of the goddess from one of her numerous myths, such as the famous Descent of Ištar.
The chanters intone “Uru ammadarubi”
[27]
at the beginning of the month. If at the beginning of the month the prophet (Oracle)
is balanced and not suited for becoming ecstatic, after they have reached the
song “Mae uremen,”
[28]
the overseers let the m[usicians] go, he becomes ec[static, and they intone]
“Mae uremen.”
The chanters go out to [receive] the
race. They intone Igittendibana. After the race has entered the temple
of the goddess, they intone the reception song, Dingir nuwaše.
At the beginning of the intoning of Dingir
nuwaše, the king rises and remains standing. One of the chanters stands up
and chants the ersemma-hymn to Enlil to the accompaniment of a
tambourine.
An eater sits down at the head of the
goddess and eats. After the eater, a weight-carrier carries (weights). After
the weight-carrier, wrestlers approach. After the wrestlers, dancers make
somersaults. After the dancers, the kābištu-women perform their
part.
[29]
What
is interesting about the beginning of this athletic festival is that music and
choral hymns are sung in order to elevate a Mesopotamian oracle to a euphoric
state of mind, most likely for the purpose of prophesising before the king.
Although
no mention is made of whether there were separate hymn-singing contests the
athletic festival conducted for Ištar appear to have combined singing and music
accompanied by women in some type of athletic event and dance. These athletic events
along with a banquet are conducted in the presence of a statue representing the
goddess.
Hittite Athletics
The
ancient Hittites (modern day
Evidence
for ancient athletic events, such as running, archery, jousting, weight-throw,
boxing, and wrestling in Hittite cuneiform texts abounds. A foot-race is
described in which the winner is given the honorific title of “horse-keeper,”
the modern equivalent of which is German “
When the king in the spring comes from
Tahurpas to the Antashum-festival (named after a plant) in Hattusas, as he
arrives at Tippuwas, a tent and a baitylos (a sort of cultic stone) have already been left in place.
Then the king steps down from the chariot
and in Hattusas performs proskynesis. He also goes inside the tent and washes
his hands. The king comes out of the tent and in front of the baitylos pours
wine. Then the king steps into the chariot.
The bodyguards run (pittianzi),
and he who wins, that one seizes the ass-bridle. Then the king steps down from
the chariot, and before the baitylos breaks a bread loaf and libates.
[30]
The
text is describing a Hittite festival in which the king attends and performs
some type of religious funerary rite in front of an ancestral stone. The king
then performs a hand-washing ritual before honouring the deceased that are
represented by the stone through libation.
One
of the most telling accounts describes an ancient Hittite athletics event that
takes place in front of a solar deity. The men first prostrate themselves
before the statue of a god. They then conduct athletic events such as wrestling
and boxing in front of the statue to which the athletic events appear to be
dedicated.
Ours and the enemy’s man prostrate
themselves to the deity (statue) three times, and then they proceed to wrestle.
When our man topples (his opponent), they applaud, he (i.e. the opponent)
prostrates himself before the deity, and our man squats. But afterwards the men
likewise get into fisticuffs.
And after that they go to tarpa (tarpa tiyanzi). Four rams go to tarpa.
Afterwards bulls (?) go to tarpa.
After that they go before the deity.
[31]
This
account of wrestling and boxing that take place in front of a statue will be
echoed in the ‘feats of strength’ described in the Funerary Games section below. The author, Jaan Puhvel, is clearly
perplexed by the mysterious tarpa which he is unable to translate. Later
in the thesis it will be shown that tarpa is most likely a reference to a sacrifice or a funerary banquet conducted for
the gods of the Netherworld.
Another
cuneiform account also mentions wrestling contests that took place during a
games banquet to honor the god, whose presence at the banquet was in the shape
of a statue.
they eat (and) drink; they fill the
goblets; in front of the deity they wrestle; they entertain (the deity).
[32]
Boxing,
wrestling and a combination of both, known by the Greeks as the pankration are also evident.
they eat (and) drink, they fill cups,
they go in for Gespu hulhuliya (boxing wrestling), they keep
entertaining (duskiskanzi).
[33]
In
a somewhat different context wrestling as well as weight tossing, which may
have been the antecedent of the discus, are both mentioned.
they entertain the deity, they go in for
the hulhuliya, they throw the stone.
[34]
Another
Hittite cuneiform text dating from around 1600 BC describes an archery contest.
When they vie in shooting (sieskanzi)
before the king, to him who scores a hit they give wine to drink…
[35]
Jousting
is also described in the Hittite text as a ritual mock battle that bears a
striking resemblance to Homer’s combat in arms. The mock battle inevitably ends
with the defeat of the men of Masa [in
They divide the young men into two halves
and name them: one half of them they call men of Hatti, and the other half they
call men of Masa. Men of Hatti have bronze weapons, whereas Men of Masa have
weapons of reed. They wage battle. The men of Hatti are victorious; they take a
captive and consign him to the deity.
[36]
The
only Mesopotamian precedent for this type of mock battle took place during the
New Year festival on Nisan (April) 6.
The chief deity, Marduk, was alleged to have been imprisoned in the "mountain"
of the Netherworld. Mock battles
miming the primordial battles of the gods were fought with the king who played
the part of Marduk and re-enacted the victory which Marduk had won over the
powers of chaos in the first New Year's Day, when the world was created. The
Epic of Creation, known as the Enuma
Elish, had been previously recited on Nisan (April) 4.
There
were other athletic events practised by the Hittites. At one of their festivals
there was both foot and horse racing. At another, in honor of the war-god,
there were whirling dancers.
[37]
A horse race seems to signal the program of the AN.TAH.ŠUM festival, while
another text mentions a prize to be given to the winner of a horse race.
[38]
Stranger still is a ritual for the erection of a building. In the ritual the
master builder is asked to perform an acrobatic test.
[39]
In
any event it seems clear that many of the organised events that were gradually
incorporated into the Olympic Games were neither new nor specifically Greek:
they were fully present in the Hellado-Anatolian orbit of the second millennium
before the Common Era.
[40]
It appears as though the ancient culture super highway that began in Mesopotamia
and found its way to
Part B: The Ancient Games
Origins
In
ancient
May you be made beautiful at [the festival] of ghosts (i.e. in Abu),
[... for] nine [days] may the young men
in a semi-circle (u4-sakar-ra-ke4) shake [the
door-j]ambs for you.
[41]
Another
bilingual hymn to Ninurta appears to be commemorating his return to
For you [Ninurta] the athletic young men
fight each other in wrestling matches and trials of strength.
[42]
These
ancient funeral rites of
The young men and women of Uruk, the old
men and women of Kullab,
looking upon those (funerary) statues,
they rejoiced.
He lifted his head as Utu (the Sun God)
was coming forth from his chamber (at dawn),
he (Bilgames) issued instructions,
‘O my father and my mother, drink clear
water!’
The day was not half gone by….., they
were ….
Bilgames performed the mourning rites,
for nine days he performed the mourning
rites.
The young men and women of Uruk, the old
men and women of Kullab wept.
And it was just as he said,
the citizen(s) of Girsu ‘touched the
edge’:
‘O my father and my mother, drink clear
water!’
[43]
The
belief of the Mesopotamians, expressed both in the Sumerian poem Bilgames and the Netherworld and
standard version of the Epic of
Gilgamesh, was that the more sons a man has, the more the thirst that
plagues his ghost in the afterlife will be relieved.
Ancient
Mesopotamian funerary rites required that the deceased’s descendants offer his
ghost regular libations of fresh water and food. The ritual appeasement of the
dead is achieved in very similar ways by Greeks, preferably through various
kinds of libation: “water, beer, roasted corn, milk, honey, cream, oil in
These
rituals appear to have culminated in an elaborate set of annual rites for dead
ancestors. If one failed to perform these rites, it was thought that the
ancestor’s ghost (utukku) may
eventually become the source of earthly problems and return as an evil ghost (edimmu) with blood-sucking vampiric
powers, causing the living harm in the form of disease.
Another
mention of the festival of Abu occurs in a cultic calendar dating from post-Old
Babylonian times. In this composition, the fifth month of the Babylonian year
is held to be sacred to Gilgamesh who has added athletic games, including
wrestling, to the rites of the Abu festival.
Abu: The month of Gilgameš: for nine days
the young men fight in their doorways in wrestling matches and trials of
strength.
[47]
(Akk.; Sum. In disorder.)
Fig. 8: Sculpted Stela of Wrestlers,
2900 BC.
These
rites presumably imitate the legendary struggle of the two heroes Gilgamesh and
Enkidu at the doorway of the wedding house.
[48]
The rites of Abu were held not only in Gilgamesh’s memory but to honor and
entertain the dead during the nine days of this commemorative ritual. The
‘feats of strength’ conducted to honor Gilgamesh during the festival were in
essence funerary games.
A
recently discovered tablet complementing the text of the Sumerian poem Death of Bilgames further clarifies the
true nature of this ritual. It also highlights some major similarities between
the ancient Olympic Games and the ancient Gilgamesh Games.
The Dream God Sissig, son of Utu,
shall provide light for him in the
Netherworld, the place of darkness.
Men, as many as are given names,
when their statues are fashioned for
future days,
the warriors, the young men and the
onlookers shall make a semi-circle around a doorway
(lit.
form a doorway like a crescent),
and in front of it (or them) wrestling
matches and trials of strength will be conducted.
In the month of Torches, the festival of
Ghosts,
without him being present light shall not
be provided before them.
[49]
According
to Andrew George, “after his death Bilgames [Gilgamesh] will be commemorated
among the living during an annual Festival of Lights, when young men will
wrestle with each other (as Gilgamesh did with Enkidu in the Babylonian epic).”
He continues, “Elsewhere this festival, in the fifth month of the Babylonian
year (roughly August), is known for the ceremonial lighting of torches and
braziers, and as ‘the month of Gilgamesh: on the ninth day the young men fight
in their doorways in wrestling matches and trials of strength’.”
[50]
Fig.
7: Terracotta Tablet showing Boxers and Musicians. Sinkara (Larsa), Old
Babylonian, 1200 BC.
Three
features in the Death of Bilgames poem linking the ancient Olympic Games to the ancient Mesopotamian games
commemorating Gilgamesh (henceforth ‘the Gilgamesh Games’) are immediately
evident. Both the Olympic Games and the Gilgamesh Games festival took place in
the month of August, consisted of ‘feats of strength,’ including
wrestling, and included a torch-lit ceremony. A more detailed historical
analysis comparing similarities between the Gilgamesh Games and the Olympic
Games will highlight further links below.
The
origin of the ancient Olympic Games is obscure and linked with numerous ancient
Greek myths, epics and poems. What is not disputed however is that at present the
Olympic Games that took place at
The
earliest recorded athletic contests in Greek literature are the funeral games
organised on the death of the Greek hero Patroclus in the Iliad (Book XXIII). In antiquity this account was to constitute a
kind of mythical archetype of the contests (not only in the realms of
literature and art), while it was in effect merely a matter of raising to a
mythical and literary plane a real and common enough event which took place
throughout the length and breadth of ancient Greece on the occasion of funeral
celebrations.
[52]
As
shown in the section above, there is evidence that the Hittites practised
funerary games similar to those organised by Achilles at the funeral of his
dearest friend Patroclus in the Iliad.
[53]
Jaan Puhvel notes that “at least six of the eight athletic events that
follow the cremation [of Patroclus] have clear parallels in Hittite texts.”
[54]
In
fact four hundred years after Homer wrote the Iliad and following in the tradition of Gilgamesh and Achilles,
Alexander the Great, during his military campaigns, also mourned the death of
his friend Hephaistion with similar extravagant funerary games in 324 BC in the
heart of Mesopotamia, at
Proponents
of the theory that the Olympic Games, held at ancient
In
the 5th century BC one of the most celebrated poets in ancient
The Strong son of Zeus' drove the whole of
his host and all his booty to
And measured a holy place for his mighty Father.
He fenced the Altis and marked it off in a
clean space, and the ground encircling it…
How Hercules portioned the booty, war gift,
Made sacrifice and founded
The fourth year's feast with the first
Olympiad and the winning of victories.
[57]
In the second
century AD, the Greek historian Pausanias reaffirmed this mythological origin
of the Olympic Games in his famous Description
of
Heracles, being the eldest, matched his
brothers, as a game, in a running-race, and crowned the winner with a branch of
wild olive, of which they had such a copious supply that they slept on heaps of
its leaves while still green. It is said to have been introduced into
According
to both these early Greek sources, the founder of the games was Hercules, the
first to institute a foot-race and fix the length of the Olympic stade (600
Olympic feet or 192.27m) and also the boundaries of the Altis, the sacred grove
of Zeus.
[59]
It was also Hercules who established this race and the olive wreath for the
victor.
It
should also be remembered that before Pindar and Pausanias is the period known
historically in Western writing as antiquity. In ancient
Writing
over 500 years later we are warned by another Greek author’s writings, Strabo’s Geographia, written during the first
century AD, not to believe tales told about early
According
to tradition the first ancient Greek Olympic Games was officially held in 776
BC and was said to be a religious festival held in
honor of Zeus of Olympia. It was held in August, every fourth summer, at
The
lead archaeologist at the site of
Using
evidence of the wealth of votives unearthed at that time, Mallwitz also
asserted that the interval between the early Olympiads must have been shorter,
probably only one year. “It seems possible that the change from yearly to
quadrennial games occurred after the chariot race was introduced in the
twenty-fifth Olympiad.”
[62]
The ancient Olympic Games began as a single event. The stade (foot-race)
was the only Olympic event for the first thirteen Olympic Games, until the
diaulos, a 400 yard foot-race, was instituted at the fourteenth Olympics. The ancient
Olympic Games slowly expanded until they included numerous other field, track
and equestrian athletic events.
Time of Festival
The
‘Month of Gilgamesh” – the fifth month of the Mesopotamian year corresponding
to our August – was called Abu in Akkadian, from Sumerian ab which means
hole or opening in the ground and refers to the gateway or passageway of the Netherworld built at the centre of most
Sumerian temples.
[63]
During the month of Abu (August) every year for a duration of nine days
Gilgamesh would return from the Netherworld through an underground opening (ab) in the temple and take his place in
his statue ready to witness the rites of Abu.
Other
names of the fifth month included the ‘Festival of Ghosts,’ the ‘Month of
Torches’ which consisted of a ‘Festival of lights’ that would have seen the
ceremonial temple lit-up at nightfall using braziers and torches.
[64]
Guardian
In ancient
According
to the Death of Bilgames, it was Gilgamesh who re-initiated these forgotten
rites which including mouth washing and hand-washing after possibly inheriting
them from his divine father Ninurta.
The rites of
the rituals and customs – it was you
brought them down to the land.
The rites of hand-washing and
mouth-washing you put in good order,
[after the] Deluge it was you made known
all the tasks of the land…
[66]
In
the Epic of Gilgamesh, Gilgamesh
summons his craftsmen to initiate this supernatural ritual and make a funerary
statue out of gold and lapis lazuli for his best friend Enkidu, after he dies.
‘Forgemaster! [Lapidary!] Coppersmith! Goldsmith! Jeweller!
Make my friend, [….!]’
[…] he fashioned a statue of his friend:
‘The limbs of my friend [are of ….;]
your eyebrows are of lapis lazuli, your
chest of gold,
your body [is of …..]’
[67]
The
purpose of the statue was apparently to represent the deceased at the funerary
banquet and, after the interment of the body to act as the focus for the regular post mortem rites through which the
Babylonians paid their respects to the dead.
[68]
In
the Death of Bilgames, this deeper significance of the funerary statue
of Gilgamesh used in the rites of Abu is reaffirmed.
Men, as many as are given names,
their (funerary) statues have been
fashioned since days of old,
and stationed in chapels in the temples
of the gods:
how their names are pronounced will never
be forgotten!
[69]
This
last passage highlights the statue’s significance as a memorial for the
deceased ensuring that their name lives on long after they have passed away.
The
athletic “feats of strength” conducted for Gilgamesh in the Death of
Bilgames poem took place in front of just such a statue of Gilgamesh which
was set up within the confines of a temple (Fig. 2).
Venue
Archaeological
digs at Khafaji, near
Aruru washed her hands,
she took a pinch of clay, she threw it
down in the wild.
In the wild she created Enkidu, the hero,
An offspring of silence, knit strong by
Ninurta.
[70]
Fig. 3: Khafaji
The
visual recreation of the temple by Hamilton D. Darby is important because it
depicts its architectural layout, as it would have appeared, in the shape of an
oval (Fig. 3).
[71]
This
remarkable shape – which originally probably symbolized creation through an egg
– makes it an ideal candidate as a venue for the Gilgamesh Games. The temple
not only resembles an Olympic stadium in its oval circumference, which could
easily have been used as a track for runners but evidence of athletic games
also abounds inside the temple. A terracotta plaque of wrestlers competing in
one panel and a similar plaque of boxers also competing were both discovered at
the site and may have lined the walls of the temple (Fig. 6).
Fig. 5: Copper statuette of Wrestlers. Khafaji,
In
addition, a bronze statuette of wrestlers was unearthed at this archaeological
site (Fig. 5). This statuette, which was found inside the temple enclosure,
depicts two wrestlers wearing belts and grasping their opponents by them.
Similar reliefs at Badra and Sinkara (Larsa) also depict ancient ‘feats of
strength’ such as wrestling and boxing (Figs. 7 and 8).
The
Mesopotamian practice of creating a funerary statue out of precious materials
and placing it in a temple was also adopted by the Greeks. Walter Burket
explains how, “There seems to be no Greek temple, proper, antedating the 8th
century, the period of the impetus of eastern craftsman.
[72]
”
All of these religious influences derived from eastern influence on the ancient
Greek religion, including, “…the construction of large altars for burnt
offerings and above all the building of temples to serve as houses for
divinities, represented by cult statues.
[73]
Fig. 1: The statue of Zeus at
“The
fact that
The
Title of Guardian
In
the Death of Bilgames, Gilgamesh is given the job of governing the
Netherworld and assigned the job of passing judgements. The epithet, Judge of the Netherworld, is bestowed
upon Gilgamesh in a premonition of his own journey to the Netherworld.
Bilgames, in the form of his ghost, dead
in the Netherworld,
shall act as governor of the Netherworld,
shall be indeed chief of its shades!
He will pass judgements, he will hand
down verdicts,
what he says (text: you say) will carry
the same weight as the word of Ningišzida and Dumuzi.
[76]
This
title is further confirmed in a famous prayer spoken by a patient during an exorcism
ritual to Gilgamesh as judge of the Netherworld.
O King Gilgamesh, superb judge of the
Anunnaki,
judicious prince, neck-stock of the
people,
who surveys the world regions, overseer
of the underworld, lord of the nether regions,
you are a judge, watching with the eye of
a god,
Present in the Netherworld you hand down
final judgement,
your verdict is not altered, [your] word
is not cast aside.
You enquire, you examine, you judge, you
watch and then you set things aright;
Šamaš delegated to you verdict and decision.
[77]
This
Mesopotamian reference to the judgement of the dead is almost mirrored in an
ode for Theron of Acragas, written by Pindar in 476 BC, that has replaced Zeus
as the judge of the Netherworld.
When men die, the wicked consciousness
amongst them
straightaway pay the penalty,
for their sins in the realm of Zeus
are judged by one below the earth
who declares the reckoning with
unsympathetic inevitability.
[78]
Another
ancient Greek writer, Aeschylus, who may have been influenced by Pindar,
reaffirms the Greek view of Hades and the punishment awaiting the sinner in the
first ever Greek reference to a judgment for the dead.
Even there one’s misdeeds are judged, it
is said,
By another Zeus among the dead in final
judgement.
[79]
Further
descriptions of Zeus, the Olympic Games judge - depicted in the famous west
pediment of the
Introductory
Ceremony
The
‘Festival of ghosts’ was in effect an ancient séance that involved the reading
of incantations and prayers calling for the return of the ghost of Gilgamesh
from the Netherworld.
The
practice known as the "hand-washing" ritual refers to the practice of
purification undertaken by the high priest-exorcist by washing his hands prior
to the commencement of the ritual.
In
the fragmentary copies of the Death of
Bilgames tablets discovered thus far no mention is made of the ‘Festival of
ghosts’ and its initiation. However it is not inconceivable that some type of
sacrifice would’ve been conducted to exorcise the statue of Gilgamesh, as well
as providing a substitute for the deities of the Netherworld, ensuring that no
uninvited demons had accompanied the returned ghost of Gilgamesh from the
Netherworld.
Every
year during the month of August [Ab] the séance would invite the ghost of
Gilgamesh to return through the
Meanwhile
the Greek Olympic Games honored Olympian Zeus with the first day of the games
being devoted to religious observances and festivities, including the official
opening with the slaughter of a pig in the
This
sacrifice of a pig in the
[Take a] suckling pig [ and.....at] the
head of the sick man
[put it (?) and] take out its heart and
above the heart of the
sick man [put it], [sprinkle] its blood
on the sides of the bed,
[and] divide the pig over his limbs and
spread it on the sick
man; then cleanse that man with clean
waters from the Deep
[Apsu] and wash him clean and bring near
him a censer [and]
a torch, place twice seven loaves cooked
in the ashes against the
outer door, and give the pig as his
substitute, and give the
flesh and the blood as his blood; they
[the demons] shall take
it; the heart which thou hast placed on
his heart, as his heart
give it: they shall take it.
[lacuna][that the] pig may be his
substitute....May the evil spirit, the
evil-demon stand aside!
May the kindly spirit, the kindly demon
be present!
[83]
Ancient
Akkadian sources describe this as an exorcism ceremony conducted in order to purify
either the patient or the statue and ward off any evil ghosts that may have
returned from the Netherworld.
The
ritual text details the three standard Mesopotamian methods of purification; purification
by water (“waters of life”), purification by blood (substitute in the
Netherworld) and purification by fire (smoke from the censer) which is a key
attribute of the Gilgamesh games ceremony. It is not inconceivable that a very
similar ceremony may have taken place on the first day of the Gilgamesh Games
opening ceremony.
Athletic Events
The
ancient Mesopotamians appear to have conducted at least three annual state-sponsored
pan-Mesopotamian athletic festivals (Section A). These may also have begun as
religious commemoration rituals and heroic re-enactments emulating the feats of
their gods and heroes.
Similarly
the ancient Greeks also held pan-Hellenic athletic festivals, the most famous
of which was the Olympic Games. Table 2
compares the similarities between the athletic festivals of the Mesopotamians,
the Hittites and the Greeks as well as providing the source literature (column
A) from which the festival may have derived.
Source
Literature
|
Mesopotamian
Athletic Festivals
|
Hittite Athletic
Festivals
|
Greek Athletic
Festivals
|
Ninurta
series of texts (Eleven Trophies of
Ninrta)
|
Ninurta
and Anzu Myth,
The
annual ‘Race of Nabu’
(Winter Solstice)
|
Antashum
festival (April)
|
First
Olympiad (August 776 BC,
|
Triumphant
Return of Ninurta, commemorated with wrestling and ‘feats of strength.’
|
Fragmentary
tablet, unknown festival,
-Involved
Boxing & Wrestling in front of a solar deity.
|
The
Olympic Games
(7th century BC,
|
|
Epic
of Gilgamesh
|
Gilgamesh
Games
(August, ‘Festival of Lights’)
|
||
Ištar
and Tammuz myths,
Epic
of Creation,
Marduk
Ordeal
|
Akitu
Athletics Festival
(Spring/Autumn Equinox)
-The
Sacred Marriage
-The
oracle of Mari
-Female
competitors for Ištar
-Mock
primordial battle of Marduk
|
|
The
Pythian Games (586 BC,
-The
Oracle of
-
-Female
competitors
|
The
Isthmian Games (581 BC,
|
|||
Mock
battles: Jousting (?)
Archery
(?)
|
Homer’s
combat in arms (Iliad)
|
||
|
|
|
The
Nemean Games (570 BC)
June
21-22 (Summer Solstice?)
|
Table 2:
Comparison of Mesopotamian, Hittite and Greek athletic festivals.
Fig. 6: Terracotta Plaque of Wrestlers and Boxers.
Khafaji,
It
is the foot-race of Nabu that may well have served as the model of the Olympic
stade (foot-race) conducted in the first Olympic Games. It stands to reason
that wrestling, along with other ‘feats of strength,’ were similarly used to
commemorate the exploits of Gilgamesh. As the Olympic Games evolved they may
have adapted the athletic events conducted by the Mesopotamians during the nine
days of the Gilgamesh Games festival, or adopted other athletic events from
other pan-Mesopotamian festivals.
Likewise
elements of the Akitu festival featuring athletic events in honor of Ištar may
have found their way into the Pythian and Isthmian Games which featured
singing, musical and poetical contests and in which there is evidence women
were also allowed to compete.
[84]
Another famous attribute of the Pythian Games was the Oracle of Delphi a direct reflection of the oracle at Mari.
Although
only wrestling is the only sport mentioned in the description of the ‘feats of
strength,’ performed at the Gilgamesh Games, it is not inconceivable that other
athletic events performed at other pan-Mesopotamian athletic festivals did not
also take place.
Gilgamesh Games
(?)
|
Hittite
Athletics
|
Olympic Games
|
Foot-race
(the Race of Ninurta)
|
Running
|
Foot-race
(the Stade)
|
Wrestling
(of Gilgamesh)
|
Wrestling
|
Wrestling
|
Boxing
|
Boxing
|
Boxing
|
Acrobatics
(of Ištar)
|
Acrobatics
(Builder ritual)
|
Acrobatics
|
|
Archery
|
Archery
|
Stone-tossing
(also Discus?)
[85]
|
Weight
lifting or stone throwing
|
Discus
|
Jousting
(for Marduk)
|
Jousting
|
Jousting
|
|
|
Bull
jumping
|
|
Horse
racing (Antahsum festival)
|
Horse racing
|
|
|
Chariot
racing
|
|
Whirling
dancers (War god festival)
|
|
(Ešeš, new moon festival)
|
|
|
Table 3:
Comparison of Mesopotamian, Hittie and Greek athletic events.
Table
3 shows a comparison of the athletic events that were possibly conducted during
the Gilgamesh Games athletics festival. Later Hittite Games and Olympic Games
athletics may have adopted many of these same events.
The
most important thing to derive from the table is not whether the athletic
events precisely matched each other, but that the athletic events conducted at
the Olympic Games were being practised by not only the Hittites but also the
Mesopotamians at a much earlier date.
Victory Awards
The
custom of giving Olympic victors a laurel wreath crown also has its antecedent
in the Gilgamesh Games, where it may have symbolised the acknowledgement of the
victor as a peer of Gilgamesh. The Mesopotamian winners appear to have been
awarded with a wreath crown made of poplar leaves and not olive leaves
as in the Olympic Games.
In
order to understand Gilgamesh’s association with a poplar tree, it should be
noted that Mesopotamian iconography uses the poplar tree motif to symbolise
Gilgamesh. An ancient Sumerian lament specifically refers to Gilgamesh as a
poplar tree.
[86]
It
should also be noted that in ancient Akkadian purification rituals branches are
of special use along with piglet blood, torches and water from the sea.
[87]
In
the Death of Bilgames, Gilgamesh’s
royal harem and entourage are interred along with their King and join him in the
afterlife. According to Andrew George, “This long known passage famously evokes
the mass internment of whole households discovered in the 1920s by Sir Leonard
Wolley in the early third-millennium ‘
In
the ‘
Fig.
4: Queen Puabi's headdress was an elaborate version of those worn by the women
who accompanied her to the grave and is constructed from hundreds of individual
pieces. The most significant wreath in her headdress consisted of lapis lazuli
beads and poplar leaves made of sheet gold with carnelian beads at their tip,
ca. 2550–2400 BC.
The
white poplar is also extensively mentioned in ancient Greek
myths. In The Twelve Labors of Hercules, written by Diodorus Siculus (1st
century BC), Hercules also wore a crown of poplar leaves in triumph after
killing the giant Cacus (the evil one) and retrieving Cerberus from Hades. The
upper surface of the poplar leaves was thus darkened from Hades' smokey fumes.
The
ancient Greek historian, Pausanias, also mentions the wild olive (kotinos) when describing the
mythological origins of the Olympic Games, as shown above. In his famous Description of Greece he also explains
how the wild olive, unlike the white poplar, is native to
Pausanias
also mentions the white poplar in connection with the sacred enclosure of
Pelops, the great-grandfather of Heracles, whom the Eleans honored above all
heroes of
The woodman is one of the servants of
Zeus, and the task assigned to him is to supply cities and private individuals
with wood for sacrifices at a fixed rate, wood of the white poplar, but of no
other tree, being allowed.
[91]
Pausanias
again mentions the white poplar in another chapter and alludes to its funerary
uses.
The Eleans are wont to use for the
sacrifices to Zeus the wood of the white poplar and of no other tree,
preferring the white poplar, I think, simply and solely because Heracles
brought it into
Phlegon
of Tralles tells us that it was not until the seventh Olympiad (752 BC) that
olive wreaths were awarded.
[93]
Even then the exclusive use of olive sprays for the laurel award was only used
at
The
white poplar native to Mesopotamia may eventually have been replaced by the
wild olive native to
Sacred Garden
The
Altis, the sacred grove of Zeus, established by Hercules during the first
ancient Olympic Games, also has its antecedent in ancient
One
of these establishments was at a temple at Uruk during the reign of the
Assyrian King Ashurbanipal. A register of landholdings of the
‘Total: seven date-plantations, 1800
(cubits) the measurement of the plot, the
It
appears as though the Garden of Gilgamesh may have served as a cultic centre supplying offerings, in the form of dates,
to the cult of Gilgamesh, much like the sacred grove of Zeus at
Funerary Gifts
One
of the ancient Sumerian rites of the Netherworld included presenting grave
offerings to the gods and rulers of the Netherworld in order to assure the
departed received favourable treatment.
In
the Epic of Gilgamesh an extensive account of grave offerings that accompanied
Enkidu are recounted. The extraordinary opulence of the grave offerings gifted
to the Anunnaki - the gods of the Netherworld - for the safe passage of Enkidu
are read out and displayed by Gilgamesh to the sun god Šamaš.
The Death of Gilgamesh poem describes a
similar set of gifts which is bestowed on the gods of the Netherworld.
Bilgames, the son of the goddess, Ninsun,
set out their audience-gifts for
Ereshkigal,
set out their presents for Namtar,
set out their surprises for Dimpikug.
set out their gifts for Bitti.
set out their gifts for Ningishzida and
Dumuzi,
for Enki and Ninki, Enmul and Ninmul,
for Endukuga and Nindulkuga,
for Endashurimma and Nindashurimma,
for Enutila and Enmesharra,
the mothers and fathers of Enlil,
for Shulpae, the lord of the table,
for Shakkan and Ninhursanga,
for the Anunna gods of the Holy Mound,
for the Igigi gods of the Holy Mound,
for the dead [en priests, the] dead
lagar-priests,
[for the dead] lumah-priests and
nindingir-priestesses,
[for the dead] gudu-priests, linen-clad
priests and......
The audience-gifts he ……,
the fine……. he ……..,
he set [out] their presents for.......
[97]
During
the Death of Ur-Namma a similar set of offerings is bequeathed to a slightly
different set of Netherworld deities which now include Gilgamesh.
To Gilgamec, the king of the
nether world, in his palace, the shepherd Ur-Namma offered a spear, a leather
bag for a saddle-hook, a heavenly lion-headed imitum mace, a shield resting on
the ground, a heroic weapon, and a battle-axe, an implement beloved of
Ereckigala.
[98]
Ancient
Sumerian kings and queens also followed the same burial tradition, a fact
attested to in the ‘
The
practice of grave offerings which had previously been foreign to the Greeks was
also gradually adopted at
Closing Ceremony
In
the fragmentary Tablet VIII of the Epic
of Gilgamesh an elaborate funerary ritual is organised by Gilgamesh after
the death of his best friend Enkidu. After the gifts for the gods of the Netherworld
have been chosen the animals are slaughtered to provide meat for an extravagant
funerary feast.
[fat oxen] and fattened sheep he
slaughtered, he piled them up for his friend.
[101]
Fig. 2: Statue of Gilgamesh, created by Lewis
Patros, was installed at the
In
the Sumerian poem Death of Bilgames,
Gilgamesh has a premonition of his own death, in which, he attends a banquet
with the Anunnaki gods of the Netherworld and presents them with food offerings
and other gifts:
Go ahead, when the great Anunna [Anunnaki]
gods sit down to the funerary banquet.
[102]
This
funerary banquet would be conducted for the Anunnaki and the Igigi gods who
would return from the Netherworld and
have one last meal with Gilgamesh before he and his retinue accompanied them to
the afterlife. The banquet was one of the rites of the Netherworld. In addition, gifts were also presented to the seven
chief porters of the Netherworld [Anunnaki]
with the hope that they would bestow preferential treatment on the deceased.
Following
in the footsteps of his peer and predecessor, Gilgamesh, the Sumerian King
Ur-Nammu likewise conducted a funerary feast to commemorate his own death:
As they announced Ur-Nammu's coming to the people, a tumult
arose in the nether world. The king slaughtered numerous bulls and sheep, Ur-Namma seated the people at a huge
banquet.
[103]
The
Hittite texts that cite tarpa may
also be referring to the funerary banquet conducted for the gods of the
Netherworld. This funerary banquet, in which bulls would be killed, may have
been adopted by the Greeks and inspired the banquet for Zeus at
There
were two types of feast associated with the Olympic Games. The largest was the
public banquet held in the Prytaneion on the evening of the middle of the Games
where the remains of the hundred head of oxen sacrificed to Zeus earlier in the
day were eaten. Zeus was offered only the thighs.
[105]
Comparison
| Similarities | Gilgamesh
Games
|
Mesopotamian
Theme
|
Date
of Transmission
|
Olympic
Games
|
Greek
Theme
|
| Origin | Death
of Gilgamesh
|
Funerary
games conducted to remember the King Gilgamesh
|
776
BC (Myth) 704 BC (Archaeological) |
Established
by Zeus (Myth1)
Death of Peliops (Myth2) |
Myth
1; Zeus, Myth 2: Peliops. Fact : May have begun as funerary games, but no archaeological evidence at site of a grave or body. |
| Time
of Festival
|
Month
of Abu (August) every year
|
Ritual
in which the ancient Sumerians remembered their dead ancestors. Yearly month
of the dead, festival of ghosts passing through the
|
776
BC (Myth)
|
Began yearly every August then was changed to every 4 years. | The
Olympiad may have changed to every 4 years due to the introduction of the
chariot race.
|
| Venue | Temple | Sanctuary
for statue of the god.
|
NA | Sanctuary dedicated to the god and treasury for temple offerings. | |
| Guardian | Statue
of Gilgamesh in temple
|
Funerary
statue also acted as earthly vessel.
Focal point of the mourning rites and athletic games. |
776
BC (Myth)
|
Statue of Zeus in temple | Focal
point of temple at
|
| Title
of Guardian
|
Judge
of the Netherworld
|
Consolation
for missing out on immortality as well as athletic games judge.
|
476
BC
|
Judge of Olympic Games | Zeus appointed judge of the Greek gods. |
| Introductory
Ceremony
|
Mouth
washing Hand washing Exorcism sacrifice (?) Washing with Waters of Life Lighting of Torches |
Purifying
the statue. Ritual séance for the dead that may have included an Exorcism ceremony that purified the statue of all malevolent deities returning from the Netherworld. |
776
BC (Myth)
|
Sacrifice
of pig in front of statue of Zeus. Lighting of Torch. |
Sacrifice
to Zeus, the Olympic Games’ chief deity.
|
| Athletic
Events
|
Athletic
‘Feats of strength’
|
Attainment
of heroic glory and immortality.
|
~
776 BC
|
Athletic Events | Attainment
of heroic glory. Training for war during peace time. |
| Victory
Awards
|
Poplar
wreath crown
|
Used
during purification rituals.
Also symbolic of Gilgamesh who was described as the poplar tree. |
752
BC
|
Different
laurels used in different Greek games. Olive wreath crown used in |
Sacred
wreath crown of olive sprays for winners was the same worn by Zeus.
|
| Sacred
Garden
|
|
Offerings
made to deities (?).
|
Altis | The
sacred grove of Zeus.
|
|
| Funerary
Gifts
|
Funerary
Gifts to accompany the dead to the grave
|
Gifts
to bribe the deities of the netherworld
|
750-650
BC
|
Funerary
gifts
|
Votive
offerings.
|
| Closing
Ceremony
|
Banquet
with Gilgamesh & the Anunnaki
|
Food
offerings to the gods of the netherworld and King Gilgamesh
|
776
BC (Myth)
|
Banquet of Zeus | Athletic victory banquet. |
Table 4:
Similarities between the Gilgamesh Games and the Olympic Games.
The
Mesopotamian cultural influence that had for centuries percolated into ancient
It
was during this period that the funerary rituals and the athletic ‘feats of
strength’ depicted in the Death of
Bilgames and other Mesopotamian athletics festivals may have been adopted
from the ancient Mesopotamians and gradually incorporated into the ancient
Greek Olympic Games.
Based
on original Mesopotamian and Greek source material there are a total of eleven major
similarities (Table 4) discovered thus far that may show that the ancient Greek
Olympic Games have their antecedent in the ancient Gilgamesh Games.
In
summarising the main linkages between the Gilgamesh and Olympic Games one is
struck by the logical and coherent thread that is woven throughout the various
rituals and ceremonies that were conducted during the Gilgamesh Games.
When
all the similarities are eventually pieced together a lucid and powerful
composition detailing the séance emerges detailing Gilgamesh's return from the netherworld
and exorcism of the guardian's statue in his temple that was followed by funerary
games conducted in his honor by athletes keen to emulate the King and
subsequently achieve immortality through heroic glory.
Today’s
modern Olympic Games, which trace their origins back to the ancient Greek
Games, may very well owe their beginnings to the ancient Mesopotamians and
their hero Gilgamesh, whose desire for immortality began over 4,000 years ago
in the ancient Sumerian city of
[1]
W. Burkert, The
Orientalizing Revolution: Near Eastern Influence on Greek Culture in the Early
Archaic Age (
[2]
W. Burkert, (as
in n. 1), p. 28.
[3]
W. Burkert, (as
in n. 1), p. 34-35.
[4]
A. Annus, The God Ninurta in the Mythology and
Royal Ideology of Ancient Mesopotamia (State Archives of Assyria Studies
14, Helsinki, 2003), pp. 168-171. For Ninurta as šēmi pirišti “who has heard the secret,” and bēl pirišti, see J. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LÁM-bi NIR–ĞÁL. Le récit
épique et didactique des Travaux de Ninurta, du Déluge et de la Nouvelle
Création (Leiden, 1983), Vol. 1, p. 6.
[5]
C. Wilcke, “Lugalbanda”, in D. O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon
der Assyriologie, Band 7/1-2, Berlin, 1987, p. 118; E. F. Weidner, Archiv für Keilschriftforschung 2 (1923-24), p. 12; cf. A. Annus, The
Standard Babylonian Epic of Anzu (State Archives of Assyria Cuneiform Texts
3, Helsinki, 2001), p. 28 III 147, and W. G. Lambert, “The Gula Hymn of
Bullutsa-rabi,” Orientalia 36 (1967), p. 126, II. 158, 177.
[6]
E. von Weiher, Der
babylonische Gott Nergal (Alter Orient und Altes Testament 11, Neukirchen,
1971), p. 72; F. A. M. Wiggermann, ”Nergal. B. Archäologisch”, in Reallexikon der Assyriologie (as in n. 5), Vol. 9/3-4 (1999), p. 225.
[7]
M. L. West, The
East face of Helicon: West Asiatic Elements in Greek Mythology (
[8]
George (as in n.
43), p. 132
[9]
van Dijk (as in n. 1), i. 11, 15, 17-19; W.
Burkert, The Orientalizing Revolution: Near Eastern Influence on Greek
Culture in the Early Archaic Age (
[10]
West (as in n. 7),
p. 467.
[11]
Lines 129-34, see
van Dijk (as in n. 4), Vol. I, p. 68 f.,
and Th. Jacobsen, The Harps that Once... Sumerian Poetry in Translation (New
Haven,1987), p. 243 (translation); J. Black and A. Green, Gods, Demons and
Symbols of
[12]
Van Dijk,
Burkert, Brenk (as in n. 9); Annus (as in n. 4), pp. 109-112.
[13]
Anzu I 12
, Annus (as in n. 4), p. 19.
[14]
West (as in n. 7),
p. 469.
[15]
West (as in n. 7),
p. 462.
[16]
West (as in n. 7),
p. 463.
[17]
West (as in n. 7),
p. 464.
[18]
S. Parpola, “Mesopotamian Precursors of the Hymn of the Pearl”, in
R. M. Whiting (ed.), Mythology and Mythologies (Melammu Symposia, Vol.
2, Helsinki, 2001), pp. 181-193; Annus (as in n. 4), p. ix; W. G. Lambert,
“Ninurta Mythology in the Babylonian Epic of Creation”, in K. Hecker and W.
Sommerfeld (eds.), Keilschriftliche Literaturen,
Berlin 1986, pp. 55-60.
[19]
Alasdair
Livingstone, Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea (State Archives of
Assyria, Vol. 3, Helsinki,1989), pp. 82-85, nos. 34:57 and 35:51-52; not also
no. 10 rev. 8.
[20]
Annus, The God
Ninurta, p. 105.
[21]
S. Parpola,
“Mesopotamian Precursors of the Hymn of the
[22]
A praise poem of
Šulgi (Šulgi A) Version, t.2.4.2.01, Lines 73-78 http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/cgi-bin/etcsl.cgi?text=t.2.4.2.01#
[23]
A praise poem of
Šulgi (Šulgi B) Version, t.2.4.2.02, Lines 126-128 http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section2/tr24202.htm
[24]
Šulgi O 49-52 //
85-8 // 138-41 // CBS 109000 b 5-8.
[25]
Jacob Klein,
"Šulgi and Gilgameš: Two Brothers-Peers," Samuel Noah Kramer
Anniversary Volume (Alter Orient und Altes Testament 25, Neukirchen, 1976),
p. 271.
[26]
TCL XV 12, 111-13,
see E. Flückinger-Hawker, Urnamma of Ur
in Sumerian Literary Tradition (Orbis Bliblicus et Orientalis 166, Göttingen,1999), p. 218.
[27]
For the text of
this psalm (= úru àm-ma-ir-ra-bi, “That City which Has Been Pillaged”),
see Mark E. Cohen, The Canonical
Lamentations of Ancient Mesopotamia (Potomac, MD: CDL Press, 1988), 536-603.
Cf. FM III, 37-38, 49.
[28]
For this psalm (=
me-e ur-(r)e-mèn, “As for me, I feel strange”), see ibid. 552:127 = 554:127 =
564:127.
[29]
The Mari Ritual
A. 3165, Col. iii 2-27, see J.-M. Durand
and M. Guichard, Florilegium Marianum III, 46-58; English translation courtesy
S. Parpola. For the text of this psalm (= me-e ur-(r)e-mèn, “As for me, I feel
strange”), see Mark E. Cohen, The
Canonical Lamentations of Ancient Mesopotamia (Potomac, MD: CDL Press, 1988),
552:127 = 554:127 = 564:127. Cf. FM III, 37-38, 49.
[30]
KUB X 18; KBo III
34 II, 33-34; KUB XVII 35 III, 9-15; KUB XXV 23 I, 21-22; KUB XVII 35 II, 26;
KBo XXIII 55 I, 22-27; respectively, Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköi (KUB)
and Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi (KBo), in publication since 1921 and 1923
respectively. Jaan Puhvel, "Hittite Athletics as Prefigurations of Ancient
Greek Games," in Wendy J. Raschke (ed.), The Archaeology of the
Olympics (University of Wisconsin 1988, new ed. 2002), pp. 27-31.
[31]
Ibid.
[32]
Ibid.
[33]
Ibid.
[34]
Ibid.
[35]
Ibid.
[36]
Ibid.
[37]
A. Goetze, Kleinasien (2nd ed.,
[38]
Stefano de
Martino, "Music, Dance, and Processions in Hittite Anatolia," in Jack
M. Sasson (ed. in chief), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East (Scribners, 1995), vol. IV, p. 2668.
[39]
Ibid.
[40]
Jaan Puhvel,
"Hittite Athletics as Prefigurations of Ancient Greek Games," in
Wendy J. Raschke (as in n. 30), p. 37.
[41]
Lugale 645-646, van Dijk (as in n. 1), Vol. I, p. 137. Compare the wrestling of Gilgamesh and Enkidu
in the Epic of Gilgamesh (as in n. 48).
[42]
Lambert, BWL, p.
120, rev. 6-7, A. R. George, The
Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic (Volume 1, 2003), p. 179.
[43]
UET VI/1 60 rev. 5’-16’, ed. A. Cavigneaux and
Farouk N. H. Al-Rawi, `
[44]
Ebeling (1931) 68
f. no. 15.23-25 (burial in the context of a ritual of substitution; cf. Chapter
2, “Substitute Sacrifice”).
[45]
Aesch. Pers. 611-618 cf.Eur. I.T. 159-166:
water, milk, wine, honey.
[46]
W. Burkert, (as
in n. 1), p. 65.
[47]
KAV 218 ii 5-7, 13-15; cf. G. Çağirgen, Belleten 48 (1984), p. 405, 29-30.
[48]
“They seized each other at
the door of the wedding house, In the street they joined combat, in the Square
of the Land. The door-jambs shook, the wall did shudder” (Tablet II 113-116, A.
R. George, The Epic of Gilgamesh: A New Translation, Penguin Books, 2000, p.16).
[49]
Antoine
Cavigneaux and Farouk N. H. Al-Rawi, Gilgameš
et la Mort (Textes de Tell Haddad VI, Groningen: Styx Publications, 1997),
pp. 16 and 61, N1//N2 v 6-11.
[50]
George (as in n.
48), p.196.
[51]
Alfred
Mallwitz, "Cult and Competition locations at
[52]
C. Ampolo, “Art,
heroes and myths of the ancient Olympic Games”, in Antonio Gnoli (ed.), The
Glory of Olympia (
[53]
The games, one of
the earliest references to Greek sport, included a chariot race, boxing,
wrestling, a foot-race, a duel, a discus throw, an archery contest, and a
javelin throw. They are described in Book 23 of the Iliad.
[54]
Jaan Puhvel,
"Hittite Athletics as Prefigurations of Ancient Greek Games," in
Raschke (as in n. 30), p. 27.
[55]
Terence Measham,
Elizabeth Spathari and Paul Donelly, 1000 Years of the Olympic Games:
Treasures of Ancient
[56]
Nigel Spivey, The
Ancient Olympics (
[57]
Pindar, The
Olympic Games, 518 - 438 BC.
[58]
Pausanias, Description of
[59]
Measham, Spathari
and Donelly (as in n. 55), p. 19.
[60]
Strabo, Geographia
8.3.30-I
[61]
Alfred Mallwitz,
"Cult and Competition locations at
[62]
Ibid
[63]
Åke W. Sjöberg
(ed. in chief), The Sumerian Dictionary... of the University of
Pennsylvania, Vol. 1/2 (Philadelphia, 1994), pp. 126-128 (ab) and 144 (itiab-è);
A. Leo Oppenheim (ed.-in-charge), The Assyrian Dictionary... of the
University of Chicago, Vol. 1/2 (Glückstadt, 1968), p. 201(apu B);
Mark E. Cohen, The Cultic Calendars of the Ancient Near East (Bethesda,
MD, 1993), pp. 103 (itiab-N[E-IZI(?)]-gar) and 202-203 (itiab-è-zi-ga).
[64]
Cohen (as in n.
75), p. 103 (itiNE-IZI-gar).
[65]
Angelika Berlejung, Die Theologie der Bilder. Herstellung und
Einweihung von Kultbildern in Mesopotamien und die alttestamentliche
Bilderpolemik (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 162, Fribourg, 1998); Christopher Walker and
Michael Dick, The Induction of the Cult Image in Ancient Mesopotamia (State
Archives of Assyria Literary Texts, Vol. I,
[66]
George (as in n.
48), pp.198-199 (M 58-61).
[67]
Standard
Babylonian Epic of Gilgamesh, Tablet VIII, 67-72.
[68]
George (as in n.
43), p. 487.
[69]
George (as in n.
48), p. 207 (M 298-301).
[70]
Standard
Babylonian Epic of Gilgamesh, Tablet I 101-104; George (as in n. 43), p. 545.
[71]
Henri Frankfort, The
Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient (Middlesex: Penguin 1958, repr.
1970), p. 43.
[72]
W. Burkert, (as
in n. 1), p. 20.
[73]
Ibid.
[74]
W. Burkert, (as
in n. 1), p. 4.
[75]
F. Adler, R.
Borrmann,
[76]
Cavigneaux and
Al-Rawi (as in n. 49), pp. 28 and 31 (M 78-83 // 168-173).
[77]
W. G. Lambert in
P. Garelli (ed.), Gilgameš et sa légende (
[78]
Pindar, Olympian
Odes 2, 57-60.
[79]
Aeschylus, Eumenides 273-275; West (as in
n. 7), p. 537.
[80]
Cf. C. Kardara in Raschke (as in n. 30), pp. 42-43.
[81]
Ibid.
[82]
Measham, Spathari
and Donelly (as in n. 55), p. 46.
[83]
Thompson
(1903/04) II 16-24 (with slight adjustments of the translation; Meissner
(1920/25) II 222.
[84]
Joseph
Fontenrose, "The Cult of Apollo and the Games at
[85]
A passage in one of the many hymns where the Sumerian King
Šulgi boasts about his athletic prowess may be understood as referring to
discus-throwing: “I can throw an ellag (a weapon)
as high in the air as if it is a rag”, line 106 in Šulgi B, http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section2/tr24202.htm
[86]
gišildag bilgames, “the poplar tree, Bilgames”, Mark
E. Cohen, Sumerian Hymnology: The Eršemma (
[87]
W. Burkert, (as
in n. 1), p. 60.
[88]
George (as in n.
48), p. 197.
[89]
About.com (Art
History), Wreath (Mesopotamian, ca. 2650-2550 B.C.),
http://arthistory.about.com/od/from_exhibitions/ig/RoyalTombsofUr/Wreath.htm
[90]
Pausanias, Description of
[91]
Pausanias, Description of
[92]
Pausanias, Description of
[93]
For Phlegon see
FGrHist II.257, pp. 1161-62.
[94]
Spivey (as in n.
56), p. 125.
[95]
References to
a.šà šuku bil.ga.mes are collected by Thomas Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in
altbabylonischer Zeit (Alter Orient und Altes Testament 257,
Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 1999), p. 131.
[96]
A. Pohl, Neubabylonische
Rechtsurkunden aus der Berliner Staatlichen Museen II (Analecta Orientalia
9, Rome, 1934), no. 2: 22; see Richter (as
in n. 95), Ch. 2, fn. 91.
[97]
George (as in n.
48), p. 206.
[98]
The Death of
Ur-Namma, lines 92-96, http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section2/tr2411.htm
[99]
The Tomb of
Puabi, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Puabi
[100]
Spivey (as in n.
56), p. 224.
[101]
Standard
Babylonian Epic of Gilgamesh, Tablet VIII, 131.
[102]
George (as in n.
48), p. 204 (M 193 // N1 V 28).
[103]
The Death of
Ur-Namma, lines 74-78, http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section2/tr2411.htm
[104]
Measham, Spathari
and Donelly (as in n. 55), p. 46.
[105]
Jane M. Renfrew,
“Food for Athletes and Gods”, in Raschke (as in n. 30), p. 178.
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